“I have a decent relationship with the (House) speaker, and the incoming majority leader is a Virginia Blue Devil,” said Bakk. “Paul Gazelka grew up in Britt.”
Bakk said the very first thing Gazelka told him after the election was “Tom, remember I am an Iron Ranger.”
Oh. And there's this:
Bakk predicted a potentially long 2017 session, with Dayton’s “lame duck” status posing another obstacle.
“Lame duck governors are pretty hard to deal with because they’re not accountable to anyone,” he said.
Nice to know that Bakk thinks the governor, rather than Republicans, are the obstacle. That should win frienda and influence delegate if Bakk decides to run for governor again.
Photo: Once-upon-a-time Minnesota state senate Majority Leader Tom Bakk, DFL-Cook, and soon-to-be Majority Leader Paul Gazelka share a moment during the last night of the 2015 session. Photo by Jennifer Simonson, Minnesota Public Radio.
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At the request of the state legislature, the Office of the Legislature conducted a review of the Iron Range Resources and Rehabilitation Board (IRRRB) and the result wasn't pretty.
Far afield, the Charlotte Observer picked up Kyle Potter's report for the Associated Press with the most painful headline of all for the unemployed workers on the Range suffering through the downturn in the nation's steel industry: Report: Iron Range investments may not create many jobs.
Range blogger Aaron Brown includes some wonderful historical photos about the agency in his post about the document, Report details serious problems at IRRRB, only with this conclusion:
. . . By its very nature, the OLA report could not be overly specific about each deal, but the general tone is clear: the IRRRB must reform its process of distributing money, and improve transparency and accountability in its decisions.
From a political science standpoint, the IRRRB is one conservative wave election away from being gutted. For that matter, change could even come from within the DFL. The Iron Range is losing political clout, population and influence at a rapid pace. That’s why, in my opinion, responding in good faith to fair criticism now is vital to the future of the Iron Range. . . .
Read the news reports beyond the headlines and as always, read everything Mr. Brown writes.
Here's the Youtube of the Legislative Audit Commission - Evaluation Subcommittee hearing on the release of the Office of the Legislative Auditor Report on the Iron Range Resources and Rehabilitation Board (IRRRB).
The Iron Range Resources and Rehabilitation Board (IRRRB) provides loans and grants for economic development in its northeast Minnesota service area. It also owns the Giants Ridge Recreation Area and the Minnesota Discovery Center museum.
Overall, IRRRB oversight and evaluation of its loans and grants are inadequate.
IRRRB did not adequately specify objectives—such as job growth—in many loan contracts we reviewed, and it collected insufficient evidence on how well loans met their objectives. Whether IRRRB provided loans to certain applicants that may not have needed them was unclear.
IRRRB does not require most companies to report the number of jobs they create using IRRRB subsidies. For companies that do provide job data, IRRRB relies solely on their self-reported data.
The database IRRRB uses to maintain information on loans is inaccurate and outdated. It lacks needed information, such as number of jobs created, to allow the agency to evaluate loans or their impacts.
For IRRRB grants, many files we reviewed that referred to job creation contained only vague estimates of job growth and had little evidence of achieving objectives.
Some of IRRRB’s grant programs did not consistently follow agency policies on reviewing applications, monitoring projects, or issuing payments to grantees.
From 2006 to 2014, Giants Ridge operating losses increased by more than 500 percent. IRRRB has subsidized operating losses with an average $1.9 million yearly. IRRRB has not set sufficient targets to measure how well Giants Ridge meets its stated goals.
State statutes on IRRRB’s governance structure are vulnerable to a constitutional challenge.
IRRRB has not adequately overseen the use and impacts of its loans and grants.
Key Recommendations:
IRRRB should explicitly analyze to what extent loan applicants can complete projects without IRRRB funding.
IRRRB should take steps, such as specifying in loan contracts the numbers of jobs that companies are to create, to ensure its loans actually help create jobs. It should also improve how it measures job creation.
IRRRB should more consistently determine how well its grants meet their stated objectives, including job creation.
IRRRB should ensure that all of its grant programs comply with agency policies.
IRRRB should regularly analyze the collective impact of its loan and grant programs on the area it serves.
IRRRB should measure Giants Ridge’s performance against its stated goals and determine whether the resort remains consistent with the agency’s mission.
Photo: It was all downhill at the Giant's Ridge ski resort, which received loans repeatedly from the IRRRB but suffered massive losses.
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After dithering for months about the possibility of a special session to help workers struggling with the consequences of a long-term crisis in the American steel industry, Minnesota House Speaker Kurt Daudt, R-Crown, has told Bill Hanna at the Mesabi Daily News that he's open to a deal.
House Republicans have proposed draft language for a special session bill that would provide a 13-week extension of unemployment benefits for laid-off mining-related workers on the Iron Range.
It would also reform the state Unemployment Trust Fund by providing some financial relief for Minnesota employers who pay into it, which House Republicans say mirrors a DFL House proposal in 2013.
That fund, which would finance an extension of benefits for Iron Range workers, currently holds about $1.6 billion. There is bipartisan agreement the fund is too flush at the expense of employers. . . .
Daudt has said his caucus believes there is no need for a special session because the Legislature convenes in about seven weeks on March 8.
However, in a telephone interview with the Mesabi Daily News Friday afternoon, Daudt said if the governor calls a special session he will bring a bill to the House floor to extend benefits for mining-related Iron Range workers.
He also said it would have his support and the backing of the House GOP caucus.
Hanna doesn't post links to the language (and it's not clear from the article that he's read it) and we haven't been able to find a draft posted on the Speaker's page.
However, the Speaker did mention to Hanna that the language " mirrors a DFL House proposal in 2013." Bluestem went looking for that, and turned up HF0577 a bill which had former state representative Joe Radinovich as chief author. It gathered 13 co-authors--including four Republicans (Uglem, Abeler, Runbeck, Quam). The state senate companion bill, SF619, authored by Edina DFLer Meliza Franzen, gathered the maximum number of four co-authors, including Republican Eric Pratt, R-Prior Lake.
Neither bill got a committee hearing, but before Daudt starts carrying on about the DFL not doing anything about this pressing issue when it had control of the legislature, as he is wont to do, we thought we'd see if a similar bill had been introduced since the Republicans took control of the lower chamber.
Sure enough.
Freshman Dennis Smith, R-Maple Grove, authored HF1416, picking up nine co-authors; the bill was introduced on March 4, 2015. Dan Sparks, DFL-Austin, wrote the senate companion bill, SF1320, which has two Republican and two DFL co-authors.
Like the 2013 bills, both were referred to committees, where they crawled off and died. In the House, Pat Garofalo ignored it, while he connived ways to zero out broadband grants and eliminate net metering.
We wondered what was up with the inaction and so asked a source who understands the legislature better than we; the source suggested that the bills hadn't attracted the votes for passage and so languished.
In short, bipartisan sloth, if not downright dolor on the part of those interests seeking this relief, regardless of whether Thissen or Daudt gripped the Speaker's gavel.
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With the $1.5 billion Powerball fever heating up for Wednesday's drawing, an item in state representative Rick Hansen's legislative update caught our eye:
WHAT HAPPENS TO POWERBALL AND ENVIRONMENT?
I asked Legislative-Citizens Commission on MN Resources (LCCMR) staff this question. Here is the response:
When events like a large Powerball Jackpot reach record levels and results in a record number of tickets being sold, this increases the proceeds that go into the Environment and Natural Resources Trust Fund. Prior to the January 13th, 2016 drawing, the Powerball Jackpot that began November 7th, 2015 through January 9th will be contributing $3.2 million to the Trust Fund. The Trust Fund receives 40% of the net proceeds (after expenses) that go into the corpus of the fund. The ticket sales will increase the net proceeds (profits) and increase the amount of money in the fund. Trust Fund profits are then available for investment to further grow the fund and consequently future dollars available for project spending.
The Trust Fund is a permanent fund that works similar to an endowment. The Minnesota Constitution provides that up to 5.5%* of the market value of the fund can be utilized for projects each year. Proceeds from the Minnesota Lottery are contributed to the Trust Fund's principal balance and are then invested in a combination of stocks and bonds to further grow the market value of the fund. As the market value increases over time, the dollar amount made available for projects through the 5.5% designation also increases.
The lottery's sales figures represent the total dollars generated before expenses are deducted. Expenses include prizes and administration. While higher sales figures for the lottery generally mean greater contributions to the Trust Fund, the contributions are not based on lottery sales but on the lottery's net proceeds - the amount left over after all expenses are deducted. The Trust Fund is constitutionally designated to receive 40% of net proceeds from lottery sales. This is the equivalent of a little over 6 cents of every dollar of lottery sales. For every dollar spent on playing the lottery:
Approximately 62 cents is paid out in player prizes;
Approximately 14 cents goes toward administration expenses, vendor costs, and retailer commissions;
Approximately 5 cents goes back to the state in-lieu-of-sales tax and is split between the Game and Fish Fund and the Natural Resources Fund;
Approximately 19 cents accounts for the net proceeds, of which 60 percent (~13 cents) is contributed to the state's General Fund and 40 percent (~6 cents) is contributed to the Environment and Natural Resources Trust Fund.
Through the Minnesota Environment and Natural Resources Trust Fund, Lottery dollars have supported projects that benefit Minnesota’s environment in every one of Minnesota’s 87 counties. Here are five ways Lottery dollars have benefited everyone in Minnesota:
To help honeybees and other pollinators
In the fight against Emerald Ash Borers
To develop clean, renewable energy for Minnesota’s future
Protecting and improving Minnesota’s water quality
Minnesota’s state bird wins, too! The ENRTF-funded Minnesota DNR research of the impacts of the 2010 Deepwater Horizon oil spill on Minnesota loons is going to bring $39 million in settlement money to the state.
That final item may give the Mesabi Daily News' Orchids & Onions Killer Loons Warriors the fantods, but we'll leave that battle to Matt McNeil at AM950.
Artwork: The Minnesota Lottery helps fund Environment and Natural Resources Trust Fund.
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Jerich and Associate lobbyists who agreed to represent the City of Virginia in November may face civil penalties for failing to register their new client (principal) with the Minnesota Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure Board within the required time limit, a review of public records by Bluestem Prairie reveals.
On November 10, the City Council of Virginia unanimously passed Resolution 15208 approving a "one year contract for $36,000.00 beginning November 1, 2015" with Jerich and Associates, according to the minutes of the meeting.
While the agenda packet isn't online, we obtained the document from the city clerk's office and abstracted the resolution from the document:
The council was in a generous mood Tuesday, also approving spending money for a lobbyist from the Twin Cities to help secure bonding dollars for the proposed $12 million Miners Memorial Building renovation.
Well-known lobbying group Jerich & Associates was hired for $36,000 a year — from Nov. 1, 2015, to Oct. 31, 2016. Mike Jerich said the company would also be able to work on other projects for the city.
Jerich also said the firm will work year-round when there is no legislative session to hold fundraisers, do strategic planning and meeting with lawmakers on issues.
The 2016 legislative session will only be about 2 1/2 months long — from March 8 to mid-May.
The vote was unanimous, and there was no discussion.
At this point, the clock started ticking for Jerich and Associates to register its new principal (client) with the state public disclosure board. According to page 5 of the Board's Lobbyist Handbook:
What is the time limit for registering as a lobbyist ?
You must register with the Board within 5 days after you meet the criteria for being a lobbyist or, if you are already registered as a lobbyist, within 5 days after agreeing to represent a new principal.
Online records at the Minnesota Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure Board indicate that Michael Jerich did not register as a lobbyist for the new principal until December 14, while Ron Jerich and Valerie Jerich followed two weeks later, registering on December 30:
Virginia, City of John Tourville, City Administrator 327 1st St S Virginia, MN 55792 Website:www.virginiamn.us Association Number: 7127
Given that work as a lobbyist, Bluestem thought that this firm's staffers probably had five days to register after the approval of the resolution, but we weren't certain. An email to the Minnesota Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure Board prompted a call from CFB Executive Director Gary Goldsmith, who had looked over the materials from the minutes, agenda packet, and newspaper article that we included in our email to the board.
Having reviewed the information, Goldsmith concluded that the passage of the resolution by the city council was an agreement and that registration should have occurred within five working days. According to Goldsmith, the failure to register triggers a $25 per day civil penalty for the period until registration takes place, up to $1000 per lobbyist.
According to Goldsmith's calculations, both Ron Jerich and Valerie Jerich could face penalties of $1000 each, while Michael Jerich would face just over $600 in penalties. These amounts are subject to the board's review--and the Jerichs can ask the Board for a waiver of the penalties. It's possible that there's an explain that might move the board to waive the civil penalties, Goldsmith said, but if the penalties are levied, the Jerichs will have to request the waiver.
When asked whether late registration was commonplace, Goldsmith observed that the Board had no way of knowing when lobbyists reached agreements with principals (clients) and so it was not possible to know if the registrations were late. In a typical year, the CFB might find out about one or two late registrations when citizens or organizations brought evidence of late registrations to the board's attention.
City officials are looking beyond their two major lobbyists in St. Paul — DFL state Rep. Jason Metsa and Sen. David Tomassoni — for more help to secure bonding money for the Miners Memorial Building renovation.
The Finance Committee last week approved a recommendation that Jerich & Associates of the Twin Cities be hired to lobby for the city, with the Miners project its major focus for the upcoming 2 1/2-month legislative session.
The City Council on Tuesday will consider that recommendation, which calls for Jerich & Associates to receive $36,000 for one year from Nov. 1, 2015-Oct. 31, 2016. . .
Mayor Larry Cuffe Jr. said the city should spend the money on a lobbyist because of lack of success in the past for the project.
The 2016 legislative session, where a major bonding bill will be crafted in an off-budget year, will be a short one because of the expansive Capitol restoration project. It will only run from the first week in March to mid-May.
But Jerich said the lobbying group will work year-round when there is no session to have fundraisers, strategic planning, and meetings with legislators on issues. Jerich said that would be important work to lay a foundation to secure funding for projects.
By Minnesota law, lobbyists can not give donations or have fundraisers for members of the Minnesota legislature while it is in session. Should the Jerichs refrained from doing anything for their new client until the December registrations, a lot of time was lost for holiday schmoozing on behalf of the City of Virginia.
So far, the state has set aside $90 million for the project and during the last legislative session legislators allocated an additional $19 million in state bonding funds to pay for moving utilities along the current right of way.
Current cost projections for the highway project range from $240 million to $460 million. . . .
Truth be told, as the 2016 Local Government Preliminary Capital Budget Requests indicate, there's a lot of worthy projects all over the state. Given this circumstance and the intense competition, it's probably best that lobbyists follow the rules.
Photo: The Miners Memorial Building.
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It's an older story from December 16--and the details are behind a firewall--but the Tower Timberjay reported in Future cloudy for solar panel maker:
A solar panel manufacturer, that has claimed millions of dollars in public subsidies since opening in 2011, has laid off all but two workers and faces an uncertain future . . .
This is more bad news for the Range, where about 2000 iron miners have been laid off because of the downturn in the American steel industry. It's also likely to spur anger among other solar panel firms that did not enjoy the subsidies that were directed toward Silicon Energy.
We'll have more in this post as we learn more.
Photo: Solar panels.
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Polls will be open on Tuesday for the special election in Minnesota House District 3A. The election was called to fill the seat left vacant by David Dill, DFL-Crane Lake, a legendary strategist for the Range and Northeast Minnesota delegation.
Given the district's strong DFL leanings, it's likely that International Falls labor leader and Koochiching County commissioner Rob Ecklund will keep the seat in the DFL column. Ecklund has garnered the most endorsements and the most money, although independent candidate Kelsey Johnson, of rural St. Louis County, has raised a bit of cash herself. Roger Skraba, the Republican in the race, lags behind both.
The money chase
Rob Ecklund
As we've noted, Ecklund leads in fundraising, having raised $36,221.87 since filing his pre-primary report, for a total of $51,372.87 as of November 24, 2015. The campaign had spent all but the $9,169.37 cash on hand.
Most of Ecklund's new money came for local county party units, the state subsidy, and PAC contributions, with no large individual contributions having been made since the day of the primary.
Here's his pre-general election report, followed by his pre-primary report for comparison:
Johnson had raised $3340 by the third week of September when she filed her pre-primary report; since then, she's bumped that figure up to $19,910, raising $16,570 and stowing $4897 and change in the bank. Much of Johnson's money comes from the Twin Cities, a testament to her many years of working as a lobbyist at the state capitol.
Since she is running as an independent, she hasn't collected money from party units or a state campaign subsidy, and her only sizable PAC contribution is from Women Winning, a committee that promotes the candidacies of pro-choice women seeking office.
As the Republican in this race, former Ely Mayor Roger Skraba--who has also sought the office under the DFL and Independence Party endorsement--hasn't been an aggressive fundraiser, collecting only $2075 in individual contributions and an additional $3503.29 in state subsidy.
He's been relatively parsimonious in spending as well, shelling out $1879.65 so far.
Ecklund has gathered the lion's share of newspaper and labor endorsements. The latter isn't surprising given his union background, nor are the editorial board nods, given his life-long, on-the-ground involvement in his community.
We find Ecklund and Johnson to clearly be the two strongest candidates who would well represent the people of 3A, and would carry on the fine legacy of David Dill.
We give the nod to Ecklund because we believe he has the experience and qualifications in both the public and private sectors to best hit the ground running in St. Paul and to be an effective lawmaker for the area from Day 1 of the 2016 legislative session.
Ecklund has more than earned our endorsement in Tuesday’s election
Although Johnson claims to be a lifelong resident of St. Louis County, her lobbyist disclosure form filed in June with the state’s Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure Board lists an apartment near Loring Park in Minneapolis as her residence.
It's not like she's running for Congress, where candidates only have to live in the states where they're seeking office, just not the district itself (ask Jason Lewis and Mary Lawrence in Minnesota Second). Under Minnesota law, state legislative candidates have to live in the districts they hope to represent in St. Paul.
Photo: The candidates at a voters forum at Vermilion Community College in Ely last week. Photo by K. Vandervort via the Tower Timberjay.
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While Minnesota opponents of the EPA's Clean Power Plan moan about potential increases in the price of energy (while never uttering the phrase "climate change"), some of them were not the least reluctant to support legislation that will raise electrical rates for residential consumers in favor of energy-intensive industries.
Residential customers of Minnesota Power would pay more for electricity each month to help taconite plants and paper mills survive an onslaught of global competition under a plan to be filed today with the Minnesota Public Utilities Commission.
The rate re-jiggering, authorized by the 2015 Minnesota Legislature, would see the average Minnesota Power customer's household electric bill go up 14.5 percent, or about $11.45 per month.
An average homeowner, who uses about 750 kilowatts of electricity, would see their monthly Minnesota Power bill go from about $79 per month to $90.45.
Other customers — most businesses, government agencies, schools, etc. — would see their rates go up by a flat fee of $11.45 per meter, per month, an increase of between 1 and 4 percent. . . .
It's not a done deal, and even the sponsor of the legislation is having second thoughts:
Investor-owned Minnesota Power has a clear stake in the future of mining in the region. Mining companies alone account for more than 47 percent of Minnesota Power's revenue. Add in paper mills, and heavy industry accounts for nearly 60 percent of the utility's customer load, far different from most utilities, such as Minneapolis-based Xcel, which are tilted toward residential customers.
That makes it critical for Minnesota Power's financial health to retain its largest customers. If one or more of those large customers close permanently, Minnesota Power probably would file a rate proposal that would cause homeowner rates to go up much higher, Mullen noted.
But state Rep. Tom Anzelc, DFL-Balsam Township, who sponsored the legislation calling for the rate shift, said he's now having second thoughts. Anzelc said he's not sure the time is right for such a major shift in pricing for electricity.
"What they (Minnesota Power) are proposing to the PUC is not what they are going to get. It's too much" for homeowners, Anzelc said.
During the spring legislative session "it seemed like the right policy. But the timing now is not good," Anzelc said. "I have to see what people think. The PUC is going to have to decide if $11.45 is too much for people on fixed incomes; whether it's worth it for a 5 percent cut for taconite plants. I'm not sure right now."
Buddy Robinson, director of the Minnesota Citizens Federation, Northeast, said the formula used to make the claim that industry has been subsidizing homeowner rates is flawed.
"This isn't the first time the taconite industry has tried to do this and we've challenged it every time," Robinson said. "There are ways to figure the true cost (of electricity) that show there is in fact no subsidy going on." . . .
Here's the Minnesota Power press release. Note that qualified low-income customers won't have their rates increased. We have to wonder why--if those who claim to worry about the cost of the Clean Power Plan to the poor--aren't willing to give them a break on the rates to soften the blow to help save the planet.
Or does that only work when helping out industries that can't compete against cut-throat global capitalism?
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For once, Minnesota's cultural inferiority complex, obsessed with listicles and defensive of apples and the beauty of remote counties, will likely take comfort in mediocrity. But an article in Monday's Mesabi Daily News underscores the problem.
City officials are looking beyond their two major lobbyists in St. Paul — DFL state Rep. Jason Metsa and Sen. David Tomassoni — for more help to secure bonding money for the Miners Memorial Building renovation.
The Finance Committee last week approved a recommendation that Jerich & Associates of the Twin Cities be hired to lobby for the city, with the Miners project its major focus for the upcoming 2 1/2-month legislative session.
The City Council on Tuesday will consider that recommendation, which calls for Jerich & Associates to receive $36,000 for one year from Nov. 1, 2015-Oct. 31, 2016.
It’s very likely to be OK’d as the mayor and councilors gave it the favorable recommendation last week.
The Miners project is estimated to cost $12 million, with $4 million needed for the first stage.
Mike Jerich said Jerich & Associates will work year-round on Miners, along with other projects. . . .
But Jerich said the lobbying group will work year-round when there is no session to have fundraisers, strategic planning, and meetings with legislators on issues. Jerich said that would be important work to lay a foundation to secure funding for projects.
Lobbyists can't give campaign contributions during the session, but fortunately for those hoping to raise interest in their clients' bonding projects and policy changes via fundraisers have a somewhat bigger window to slither through, since the legislature gets a late start in March this coming year.
Bluestem chronicled one of those fundraisers in which the Jerichs were involved--for a pair of DFL state senators in With construction putting lobbyists in a pinch, senator offers to take bite out of their anxiety. Reader may remember that the senator in the headline is Scott Newman, who kindly thought ahead and asked lobbyists for their contributions up front. That would certainly spare the expense of throwing a party for him.
It's worth a side note to observe that the Jerich lobbying firm--one client for one project in the House and Senate district--will be paid more to pursue the bonding than the base pay ($31,000 and change) for either the elected House or Senate "lobbyist."
Ron Jerich is a jocular character, exceedingly charismatic and quick with a joke. But beneath the grandfatherly veneer, according to those who've dealt with him, is a hustler with savoir-faire, money, and connections to burn. In that sense, Jerich is a throwback to a different era. He personifies the influence-peddling backdoor dealer who roamed Capitol halls before a 1993 gift ban put a damper on their activities. . . .
Jerich's far-reaching clout is best illustrated by a 2002 scandal that he helped resolve. At the time, American Bankers Insurance Group was facing a $10 million fine for selling unlicensed insurance policies to about 200,000 Minnesotans. Looking to avoid what was then the state's largest-ever civilian penalty, American Bankers sought to implement a "political strategy," according to sworn testimony. Jerich recommended they get friendly with ranking officials, a political strategy that entailed getting rid of James Bernstein, commerce commissioner under then-Gov. Jesse Ventura. To that end, American Bankers cut a $10,000 check to the Tim Pawlenty for Governor campaign, which was illegal.
"It speaks to Jerich's reputation as a money man, a guy who'd take you over to the Blue Horse and pay for your martini and lunch," says a state investigator familiar with the case. "But since you can't do that anymore, Ron likes to pass the money around through committees and to his friends.
Jerich didn't return messages requesting an interview and was never accused of any legal wrongdoing associated with the case. Officers at American Bankers agreed to settle for $2 million.
"Pawlenty gave them a sweetheart settlement," says the investigator, "It was much, much less than anybody thought."
When Sen. David Tomassoni accepted a position with a local association of public schools in January, some of his colleagues questioned whether the move was appropriate.
The association lobbies on behalf of northern Minnesota schools located in the same district that Tomassoni represents at the legislature. But the Democratic senator denied that his $6,500 monthly salary posed a conflict of interest, saying he would not accept payment while the legislature was in session.
Some lawmakers didn’t agree. But the Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure Board, which is responsible for monitoring conflicts of interest, did. It determined that Tomassoni’s new position did not pose a conflict in and of itself, but that the senator should monitor issues as they arose to determine whether a given situation presented one.
The case revealed the overall weakness in how the legislature handles conflicts of interest, said David Schultz, a political science professor at Hamline University in St. Paul. Minnesota has no restrictions for outgoing public officials seeking private sector work, and 60 former lawmakers have taken lobbying positions since 2002, according to the St. Paul Pioneer Press.
We believe that the Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure Board does a very good job policing existing laws, especially when issues are brought to the staff's attention. However, the board doesn't write the laws it's charged to enforce (a point the report makes).
Coolican's article notes how minority leaders in the Minnesota Senate and House seized on the new report for partisan advantage. The Mesabi Daily News article illustrates why ordinary citizens might conclude that the process is rigged against policy changes and projects they desire--unless they have a little walking around money to grease the skids.
The fact that this is all legal is no comfort; rather, it's an invitation to cynicism and disengagement among the middle-aged--and if we're lucky, a signal flare for youth to organize and demand good government.
Photo: Ethics, Minnesota, a lost town somewhere down the road from Echo.
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Now that the dust and hard feelings have settled in the scrappy DFL primary in the special election to fill the seat left vacant by by the death of Representative David Dill, the Tower Timberjay revisits the "man camps" question.
As anyone who paid attention to the race knows, Bill Hansen’s suggestion that a copper-nickel boom would bring man camps to house workers, and that those camps would bring increased crime to the area, was widely derided as an attack on union construction workers and PolyMet.
That attack line was far-fetched from the beginning, and I see very little evidence in the poll returns to suggest it had much impact on voters. Hansen always had an uphill battle simply because of population and geography, and his campaign was well aware of it. . . .
Hansen’s claim that a copper-nickel boom (of the kind envisioned by Frank Ongaro of Mining Minnesota) would bring man camps is inarguably true, as was his prediction that such camps would bring social problems to the area.
Indeed, the suggestion would come as no surprise to anyone who took part in the planning efforts conducted by the East Range Readiness Committee back in the mid-2000s, since housing for workers and their impact on communities, was one of the major topics of discussion. It wasn’t Hansen raising those concerns at the time. It was then-Hoyt Lakes Mayor Marlene Pospeck, a copper-nickel mining supporter, who was calling the potential for man camps a “big concern,” according to a Minnesota Public Radio report from 2006.
The story continued: “Construction workers are often set up in makeshift trailer camps— places Pospeck says are known for rowdy behavior, frequent police calls, and an increased need for social services. It’s one thing to deal with one major construction project, but two or three or more could be a huge strain on the local communities.”
No one attacked Pospeck for disrespecting the Iron Range building trades for raising such obvious concerns. But then, it wasn’t the political season, when little things like facts and context are often tossed out the window. . .
. . .We can argue about how severe those problems might be, but anyone who suggests Hansen simply invented this concern, or was slamming local construction workers, should familiarize themselves with a little Iron Range history.
Helmberger looks back to the 1950s taconite boom and more in a column worth reading.
Photo: 1st mining camp near Mountain Iron 1893, via Mining Artifacts. Probably not what anybody meant during the primary, but it's a cool old picture.
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In Tuesday's primary for the special election in Minnesota House District 3A, International Falls labor activist and Koochiching County Commissioner Rob Ecklund has won the DFL nomination by defeating Cook County outfitter Bill Hansen by 6.32 percent.
I’m going to make a prediction not to prove how right I am, but to test how wrong I am.Ecklund 35, Hansen 34, Omerza 22, Johnson 8.
As the results indicate, Omerza under-performed significantly from Brown's prediction, illustrating the organizing strength of labor and the newspaper endorsements for Ecklund. Omerza's fundraising was flat, and Ecklund's supporters took full advantage of the reframing of a Hansen criticism of sulfide mining into an attack on construction workers.
Brown and other political observers are predicting an easy win for Ecklund in the December 8 primary, and barring a highly unlikely turn of fate, the seat is Ecklund's in the heavily DFL district.
"I have to work at the mill tomorrow night, but I hope to get down to the deer shack this weekend with the boys and relax a little," Ecklund said when it became clear he had won the race. . . .
"Rob is a really good guy. He's a good Democrat. We're probably together on 99 percent of the issues," Hansen said after the results were in. . . .
Here are the unofficial results from the Minnesota Secretary of State's office:
Republican
Candidate
Totals
Pct
Graph
ROGER SKRABA
576
100.00%
Democratic-Farmer-Labor
Candidate
Totals
Pct
Graph
HEIDI OMERZA
655
9.29%
ERIC JOHNSON
678
9.61%
ROB ECKLUND
3083
43.71%
BILL HANSEN
2637
37.39%
Photo: Rob Ecklund at a district pumpkin patch, campaign website via Minnesota Brown.
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Because of a snafu on the Minnesota Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure Board's page, Legislative Candidates who have filed for Special Election in 2015 not all of the Economic Interest Statements filed by Minnesota House District 3A candidates were visible via the page until late this afternoon.
Nonetheless, a diligent researcher could find the documents--all filed by the deadline--on the page with all candidates in all races who are registered with the Board.
Faux outrage over real concerns: Bill Hansen on "Our North Dakota"
There are those who suggest that Johnson is corporatist Majority Leader Tom Bakk's "Plan B" in case Bill Hansen wins the DFL primary a week from today, despite the faux butthurt getting cranked up against the environmentally-minded candidate's observations about what copper-mining advocates call "our North Dakota."
One wonders what tone-deafness leads folks to believe that they can talk about the sunny part of a boomtown economy, but lambast anyone who also notes the well-documented downside. It's not a personal insult to construction workers when a candidate points out that aspect. It's also saddening to see Minnesota's unions humiliate themselves by shilling for a corporation whose biggest investor is Glencore. Glencore, a Swiss-based mining concern and commodities broker, upped its ante in PolyMet, the Duluth News Tribune reported at the end of July.
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With a hotly contested September 29 DFL primary in Minnesota House District 3A to fill the vacant seat created by the loss of Representative David Dill to cancer in early August, at least one independent expenditure radio ad has hit the airwaves, a hit piece against Bill Hansen from the conservative group Minnesota Jobs Coalition.
We'd checked with the Board by email and received this response from Executive Director Gary Goldsmith:
Minnesota statutes do not provide for additional reporting for party units or political committees or funds in a special election, so for this year we will see only the year-end reports.
Only candidates in the election have additional reporting, so we won’t know anything about independent expenditures until the year-end reports.
Gary
Gary Goldsmith Executive Director Minnesota Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure Board
As we noted, the independent expenditure spending for the Northeastern Minnesota special election has begun. Blois Olson noted in Thursday's Morning Take:
HS3A: The Minnesota Jobs Coalition Legislative Fund announced an independent expenditure radio advertisement in Minnesota House District 3A against Bill Hansen. Via the news release, VERBATIM: "Bill Hansen has tried to campaign as a moderate but the reality is Hansen is the only candidate in District 3A who opposes mining projects like PolyMet. Hansen has twice been endorsed by DFL activists in the past and has been endorsed by liberal-environmentalist special interest groups," LISTEN: http://bit.ly/1Kiq28o
Or the irony of a well-funded Twin Cities-based ideological political action group funded by special interests ripping one DFL second-generation business owner for ties to metro special interests?
Tough call.
There's also the distinct possibility that many radio listeners will have no idea who the Minnesota Jobs Coalition Legislative Fund is--or where its money comes from. The nearest spending by MJC was $4,068.70 in the 10B Cayuna Range race against Joe Radinovich and a whopping $95,341.44 in 10A against John Ward.
And given the rules, the voters won't know who's tossing coin in the MJC pot until nearly two months after the election.
The Republican State Leadership Committee: This Washington, D.C.-based group invested heavily in trying to help Minnesota Republicans win back control of the state House, donating $355,000 to the Minnesota Jobs Coalition to spend on GOP House candidates. And while Republicans they supported in suburban areas of the state mostly lost, candidates in greater Minnesota won – giving the GOP the majority in the House.
The Minnesota Jobs Coalition: This group was among many conservative organizations that backed Republican House candidates. But what set it apart from the pack was its close work with the RSLC, serving as the primary conduit for the group’s money. Unlike the state Republican Party and other GOP groups, the Minnesota Jobs Coalition spent most of its money targeting candidates for the Minnesota House. After fine-tuning its messaging and microtargeting strategies early in the year, the group also invested its cash in races that were considered a long shot early in the election, forcing Democrats to match that investment . . .
If Tom Bakk is cheering the MN Job Coalition Legislative attack on an environmental-minded DFLer in his own senate district, he might have some chicken come home to roost, since the Republican State Leadership Committee has put his senate leadership on its to-do list for 2016. As Bluestem reported in MN Jobs Coalition Legislative Fund's biggest donor in flipping House vows to take Senate, that money is likely to be funneled via the Minnesota Jobs Coalition, given its prowess in 2014.
Can the pro-sulfide mining Rangers keep it together long enough to recognize that the enemy of their "enemy" is not their friend? With Dill--justly known as the brain of the outfit--passed on, we can only wonder.
Photo: Voters won't know who put the hay in the Minnesota Jobs Coalition's money barn--or any party or PAC loft--until February 1.
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One tool for understanding political party units is to examine their fundraising and spending. With the special election to fill the House District 3A seat left vacant by the untimely death of Representative David Dill turning into a free-for-all, we thought we'd look at the financial health of the local DFL senate district.
After a kind reader suggested that we look at the finances of the SD3 DFL, we concluded that money had certainly been no object, since the senate district committee had finished the tumultuous 2014 campaign season with over $9200 in the bank.
Even more curious: of the $84,750 given to DFL candidates from 2012 through 2014, only $9500--all in 2014--went to Minnesota state house campaign committees--and the late Rep. David Dill's campaign committee received $7500.00 of that figure. (By contrast, MN3B DFL incumbent Mary Murphy received only $500. Both candidates won by garnering over 60 percent of the vote).
The rest of the money sent to DFL House candidates went to people running in districts adjoining the Third: Joe Radinovich ($500), Jennifer Schultz ($250), Erik Simonson ($250) and John Ward (500).
The rest? Sent to to state senate Democrats around the state. although there no no state senators on the ballot.
In 2013, the SD3 DFL gave $14,800 to 11 senate candidates who weren't on the ballot; of this amount, $4500 went to Majority Leader Bakk's campaign. In 2012, when all state senate and house seats were up for election and Bakk was looking to flip the senate, the committee cut $40,750 in checks to DFL candidates around the state. All of this went to Senate candidates, including $5000 to Senator Bakk.
The committee also gave $5000 to the DFL Senate Caucus in 2012 and $10,000 in 2013. The state DFL received $2000 in 2012, nothing in 2013 and $1000 in 2014. (These totals are entered in a different section of the report and are in addition to the contributions to candidate campaign committees.
This pattern of giving is unusual for DFL senate districts that give money to candidates, in that senate and county units ordinarily give to candidates within their borders--or give to candidates in a variety of state-level candidates.
We'll have more analysis later in the week, but the giving patterns suggest that the contributions are tied to Bakk's leadership in the Minnesota Senate.
Here's the 2012 Senate District 3 year-end campaign finance report:
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While the small-i independent candidate in the Minnesota House District 3A special election Kelsey Johnson claims that she's worked on both parties' campaign her record of itemized contributions reveals that DFL candidates and caucuses have received the lion's share of her check writing.
Committees reported contributions from "Johnson, Kelsey," "Johnson Kelsey AL" and "Johnson, Kelsey Amalie Larson" to the CFPDB. Only contributions which add up to $100 or more each year need be disclosed. Bluestem searched for all contributions made between 2004-2014, all the years that are available in the database.
Of the $2,250 total, only $600 went to Republican committees, while Minnesotans United for All Families' successful and nonpartisan effort to defeat the amendment to restrict the freedom to marry to heterosexual couples received $300.
Johnson gave a total of $750 in five contributions to the DFL Senate Caucus, $350 in two contributions to Kurt Daudt's campaign (in 2013), $300 in four checks to Minnesotans United for All Families for its 2012 defeat of the Marriage Amendment, $250 in one contribution to the HRCC in 2014, $250 in one contribution to the Senate District 3 DFL, $200 in one contribution to Duluth DFL state senator Roger Reinert and $150 in two contributions to Kerrick DFL state senator Tony Lourey.
Any contributions under $100 need not be disclosed by committees, so it's possible that the lobbyist could have greased a few more palms under the wire.
On the national level, a search of the Federal Election Commission contribution database, which has a higher reporting threshold, yields the news that Johnson gave $500 to the federal committee of the Minnesota Democratic Farmer Labor Party-- one contribution of $250 in 2013 and another $250 in 2014.
The other Johnson in the race, Kelsey, said her registration as an independent is in keeping with her political history. Kelsey Johnson declined to give specific names or years, but said she has worked on campaigns for both GOP and DFL candidates.
Here's the list we pulled from the database. For the sake of formatting, we've edited out Johnson's employers and clients.
Individual Johnson, Kelsey 08-31-2011 DFL Senate Caucus $250.00 Individual Johnson, Kelsey 01-20-2012 Minnesotans United for All Families $50.00 Individual Johnson, Kelsey 09-24-2012 Minnesotans United for All Families $100.00 Individual Johnson, Kelsey 09-25-2012 Minnesotans United for All Families $50.00 Individual Johnson, Kelsey 09-30-2012 Minnesotans United for All Families $100.00 Lobbyist Johnson, Kelsey 01-20-2012 DFL Senate Caucus $50.00 Lobbyist Johnson, Kelsey 12-11-2012 DFL Senate Caucus $100.00 Lobbyist Johnson, Kelsey A L 01-23-2012 Lourey, Anthony SD11 $50.00 Lobbyist Johnson, Kelsey A L 07-17-2012 Lourey, Anthony SD11 $100.00 Lobbyist Johnson, Kelsey A L 08-08-2012 Reinert, Roger SD7 $200.00 Lobbyist Johnson, Kelsey A L 06-03-2013 Daudt, Kurt HD31A $300.00 Lobbyist Johnson, Kelsey A L 09-19-2013 Daudt, Kurt HD31A $ 50.00 Lobbyist Johnson, Kelsey A L 02-24-2014 HRCC $250.00 Lobbyist Johnson, Kelsey A L 07-22-2014 3rd Senate District DFL $250.00 Lobbyist Johnson, Kelsey Amalie Larson 02-24-2014 DFL Senate Caucus $250.00 Lobbyist Johnson, Kelsey Amalie Larson 11-20-2014 DFL Senate Caucus $100.00
Readers can drawn their own conclusions as to when Johnson developed her self-touted independence and rejection of the parties to whom she contributes money.
Photo: According to a bio of Johnson once posted on Hill Capitol Strategies' website, lobbyist Kelsey Johnson (left) served as DFL State Senator Terri Bonoff's campaign manager. A press release from the Grocery Association noted "In 2012, [Johnson] effectively managed a state senate campaign that was not favored to win but ultimately did; other sources were not as certain of Bonoff's potential defeat. Photo via Minneapolis Junior League Facebook page.
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In the post, Brown alludes to "a major divide between Fish and his allies and progressive activists in the district over whether to hold the convention."
DFL District 3A Chair Paul Fish abruptly canceled a party endorsing convention this week that had been set for Sept. 19 in Ely— and some top local party officials say they see Iron Range politicians, and the politics of copper-nickel mining in particular, behind the move. . . .
The endorsing convention was supposed to have included a morning forum for the candidates to talk to the assembled delegates before an afternoon endorsement decision. Marlys Wisch, the DFL’s Lake County Chair, said the day-long convention would have been a valuable way for the four DFL contenders to meet party activists, and potential volunteers, from other parts of the sprawling district.
Wisch said Fish never consulted with her about the decision to cancel the event, but she’s convinced he didn’t make the decision on his own. She said Iron Range politicians were almost certainly involved. “I hesitate saying any names at this point,” she said.
But St. Louis County DFL Chair Kirsten Larsen had no such hesitation, suggesting Sen. Tom Bakk, DFL-Cook, was behind the decision. “The only person I am aware of that Mr. Fish met with regarding this issue is Senator Bakk,” stated Larsen in an email on Tuesday. “It is my belief the convention was canceled because it was perceived that it would result in a choice being made by more than one hundred representatives from precincts all over the district that a few powerful people don’t want,” Larsen added. . . .
The Cook County chair is also crying shenanigans, Helmberger reports:
The cancellation of the convention left Cook County DFL Chair Anton Moody particularly perplexed. “It’s been a bumpy past couple weeks,” he said. Moody had supported holding the Sept. 19 endorsing convention but was shocked when a delegate list circulated by Fish didn’t include a single delegate from Cook County, a stronghold for candidate Bill Hansen. . . .
Moody said Cook County DFLers did caucus last year, which he said qualified them to take part in an endorsement process. He said he and the local party secretary had spent several days getting all the paperwork into the state party to ensure that the county’s delegates would be seated at the planned convention. That effort, he said, would likely have made the difference, and thrown the party endorsement to Hansen.
“What this has to do with is Bill’s stance on copper-nickel mining,” said Moody.
“The easiest way to make sure he couldn’t get the endorsement was to keep Cook County delegates from being seated. But once it began to look like they were going to get seated, the only solution was to cancel the thing.”
We have heard similar reports: first an effort was made to exclude Cook County delegates; after their right to be at the endorsing convention was established, those making the allegations say, plans for an endorsing convention backfired.
Cook County DFL Chair Moody told the paper:
He said he sees Iron Range political tactics behind the intrigue surrounding the endorsing process. “The Iron Range delegation has the party by the neck. And they change the rules as they see fit,” he said. “It makes me fearful of what’s happening with the DFL.”
Judging by those calling the Timberjay article to our attention, Moody is not alone in his fears.
She isn’t sure if she would resign from her lobbying job if she wins, or with which party she would caucus. . . .Johnson said she’s the best choice because she will be free of the parties that she said are beholden to special interests and can use her lobbying experience to help pass legislation.
UPDATE September 11: A reader writes to let Bluestem know that Senator Tom Bakk, DFL-Cook, was crowned King of the Range many years ago. Here's a screengrab from a TPT Almanac segment from May 2007:
Winter is coming. Indeed, it might already be there in Minnesota House District 3A
Photo: If only Sesame Street's creators had made a throne out of fishing rods and hunting rifles--then we've have a seat worthy of the district and the late Dave Dill, an avid outdoorsman. Call it the Iron (Range) Throne for which the large cast of candidates compete. We're a bit terrified, though, the notion of walleye dragons.
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The International Falls Journal and Minnesota Brown report that Senate District 3 DFL chair Paul Fish has announced that there will be no endorsing convention for the special election to fill the House seat made vacant by the death of David Dill.
Various DFL party units, at both the county and district levels, may choose to offer candidate endorsements ahead of the primary. Third District party chair Paul Fish said he expects to call an endorsing convention after filings close next Monday.
The residents of House District 3A lost a true champion with the passing of Rep. David Dill. The voters of 3A deserve the opportunity to select the DFL candidate who best represents their interests. Therefore, a DFL endorsing convention for the 3A seat will not be held. Participation in the September 29th primary is encouraged.
Brown notes that the decision breaks with recent party practice:
This goes against a recent precedent. In 2011, a special election was held in House District 5B after Tony Sertich left office to become IRRRB commissioner. In that contest, the DFL held an endorsing convention in Hibbing — again, in a situation where some people wanted one and some didn’t. Carly Melin was endorsed a week before the election and went on to win the race.
In the case of 3A, there appears to have been a major divide between Fish and his allies and progressive activists in the district over whether to hold the convention. I know I’ve heard from a few upset there will be no convention.. In any event, there is no time to change this decision. The race moves forward.
Hansen, whom Brown believes had the most to win from an endorsement, has issued a statement about Fish's decision:
Bill Hansen learned today that the DFL District 3A endorsing convention, scheduled for September 19 at VCC [Vermillion Community College] in Ely, has been canceled by Senate District 3 Chair Paul Fish. Bill Hansen learned the news from the International Falls newspaper. According to Bill Hansen, neither the St. Louis County DFL Chair Kristin Larsen nor the Cook County DFL Chair Anton Moody was consulted prior to Mr. Fish’s decision. Hansen was unable to reach Lake County DFL Chair Marlys Wisch.
Bill Hansen is outraged at this circumvention of the DFL party process. The endorsement process allows the DFL delegates in the District to choose the candidate who best represents the party’s values. Bill Hansen received the DFL endorsement in both 2003 and 2004. In this strongly DFL district, the primary election often determines who wins the seat in the general election. The endorsing convention helps the electorate understand who, among the candidates running as Democrats in the primary, truly represents DFL priorities.
In a phone interview, Hansen campaign chair Nancy Powers acknowledged that no formal call had been sent to delegates (and today was the last day that a call could have been issued), but noted that the candidates and county chairs had been told of the convention place and time via email. [She promised to send a copy of the email].
On twitter, Representative Melin expressed her support for Fish's decision in a dialogue with Brown:
@minnesotabrown Even tho I was endorsed in the special, all 5 DFLers were on the primary ballot. No time to abide or withdraw in a special.
Melin is most likely to favor a candidate more pro-mining than the progressive environmentalist Hansen, although her experience in a special election is (as she says) a factor in her position.
As we predicted, the HD3A special election may well resemble a North Shore-Iron Range-Northwoods Game of Thrones. Read Brown's analysis of the "numbers" in the race in his post Everybody to the primary in House 3A special.
Photo: If only Sesame Street's creators had made a throne out of fishing rods and hunting rifles--then we've have a seat worth of the district and the late Dave Dill, an avid outsdoorsman. Call it the Iron (Range) Throne. We're a bit terrified, though, the notion of walleye dragons.
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Bluestem has noticed a distinct resemblance to the positions outlined by DFL endorsement seeker, Ely City Council member Heidi Omerza.
Other information online suggests that Johnson's political genealogy is less connected to the progressive wing of the DFL, than to the moderate DFL senators who form the backbone of Tom Bakk's leadership in the Minnesota Senate. Moreover, with the exception of one gun-control group, her client list isn't particularly associated with the progressive left in the North Star state.
A DFL political genealogy
Zoominfo.com has preserved a January 2014 profile of Johnson that had been posted at Capitol Hill Strategies, a lobbying and public affair firm, prior to her moving on to serve as director of state affairs for the Grocery Manufacturing Association (GMA). A press release issued by the GMA in February scrubbed out the specifics, while keeping the outline.
Kelsey A.L. Johnson – Government Affairs Consultant
Kelsey Johnson is a native Minnesotan. She completed her Bachelor of Arts in Philosophy[AH1] from St. Catherine University in 2004. While at St. Catherine University Ms. Johnson was the recipient of the Thomas More Leadership Award, President of the Student Senate and captain of the swim team. Since graduating from St. Catherine University Ms. Johnson honed her skills in customer service, negotiations, and solutions-based selling through her work in the private sector. In her last career before entering the political arena she was an Account Executive, selling audio, web and video conferencing solutions. During her sales career she negotiated contracts with Fortune 500 companies and worked with all levels of leadership within various corporations to come to mutually exclusive agreements.
Ms. Johnson began her political career by interning with Minnesota Attorney General Mike Hatch. After leaving the Attorney General’s Office, she interned for Minnesota State Senator LeRoy Stumpf, Chair of the Senate Education Policy and Finance Committee. Ms. Johnson subsequently took a position in the Minnesota House DFL Caucus where she worked for numerous Representatives and the Chief Sergeant -At-Arms.
Following Ms. Johnson’s departure from the Minnesota House she began lobbying and continues to do so today. During the 2012 election-cycle she served as the campaign manager for the successful re-election of State Senator Terri Bonoff, who has been appointed the Chair of the Senate Higher Education and Workforce Development Committee. Ms. Johnson recently completed her Master’s of Arts in Organizational Leadership with a concentration on ethics and leadership at St. Catherine University. Her final project focused on transparency in campaign finance. In conjunction with her master’s degree, Ms. Johnson obtained a certificate in Strategic Management. Ms. Johnson is a diligent worker who maintains strong working relationships.
Ms. Johnson understands the importance of a balanced life and enjoys any opportunity to play hard. She is an avid water sports enthusiast as a member of both USA Waterski and USA Swimming. Ms. Johnson is active in her community as a current member and former board member to the League of Women Voters Minneapolis, active member of the Junior League of Minneapolis, and current member of the Citizen’s League where she assisted in the development of a platform for current water policy concerns.
These political connections don't exactly scream "Sheila Wellstone" from the mountain tops. Moreover, she's running as an independent for an empty House seat in one half of Senate Majority Leader Tom Bakk's home district. Following the DFL primary, would any Democratic state lawmaker buck the nominee?
Nor do her clients while she lobbied holler, "Independent," unless one only defines independence as free of the partisan.
Lobbying for GMA--and beyond
While Johnson bills her "advocacy" for the group as a matter of "feeding the world," progressive citizens might pause to reflect about what chemicals the GMA is comfortable being in children's products. Since joining the GMA, Johnson has testified against former state representative Ryan Winkler's Toxic Free Kids Act (March 2014 hearing) and Senator Ann Rest's SF1099 this past session (Winkler was chief author of the House companion bill). Johnson followed the bill through the committee process, testifying against it three times (here, here and here).
Prior to joining GMA (for whom she registered as a lobbyist in other states such as Florida), Johnson's clients for her lobbying services included the judicial reform group Coalition for Impartial Justice, prison profiteers Corrections Corporation of America (there's a bid to re-open or lease its Appleton prison afoot), Michael Bloomberg co-chaired gun control group, Everytown for Gun Safety, pro-tip credit Minnesota Restaurant Association and the National Popular Vote.
Bluestem suspects having the "gun safety" group on her resume might have clashed a bit with the NRA membership, but there's no timeline. As gun right supporters, Bluestem would like to know if she was for or against gun rights before she was against them--or if she just happened to support both her client and the NRA at the same time. That would be breathtakingly independent.
Independent?
Whatever that case may be, Johnson's business relationships with powerful special interests make her claim to be "independent" of partisan affiliation to be rather beside the point. Sources tell us that polling in state house districts reveals that voters are tired of moneyed interests having more power than ordinary citizens.
It's not an argument for electing one of the most powerful trade group's lobbyists to the Minnesota House.
Given that zeitgeist, it's not surprising that on her website, Johnson uses language to obscure her day job. She wasn't a lobbyist for a group of food industry corporations; instead an "advocate" for "our area and small businesses":
Most recently, Kelsey has been working as an advocate at the State Capitol, working to pass legislation that helps our area and small businesses.
As Director of State Affairs for the Grocery Manufacturers Association, she has learned what it takes to successfully advocate for policies that protect and support our most important initiative: Feeding the World.
Really? Sourcewatch describes the trade association in a much different light:
The Grocery Manufacturers Association (GMA), previously the Grocery Manufacturers of America, based in Washington, D.C., is the world's largest trade association for corporations making food, beverage, and consumer products. Representing such companies as Campbell Soup Company, Kraft Foods, and Pepsi, it channels political contributions, lobbies and engages in public relations on behalf of its member corporations.[1][2] In 2007, the Food Products Association (FPA), which focuses on science, nutrition labeling, and food safety, merged with GMA.[3]
GMA's primary wing -- its 501(c)(6) trade association -- took in nearly $41.4 million in total revenue in 2013 (its most recently available filing), spent over $41.4 million in total expenses, and had over $31 million in net assets available as of the end of that year.[4] Its 501(c)(3), "GMA Science and Education Foundation," had $588,626 in total revenue, $337,891 in total expenses, and $1,477,901 in net assets for the same time period.[5]
GMA's PAC made $222,245 in political contributions at the federal level in 2014 -- 63 percent to Republicans and 37 percent to Democrats -- according to the Center for Responsive Politics.[6] The top recipient of GMA political contributions from 1989 through the second quarter of 2014 was Democratic Senator Ron Kind of Wisconsin, according to the Sunlight Foundation.[7] GMA made $11,073,608 in political contributions at the state level in 2014, according to the National Institute on Money in State Politics.[8] It has spent $41,052,904 in lobbying at the federal level 1989 through the second quarter of 2014, according to the Sunlight Foundation.[7] It spent $4,620,347 lobbying at the federal level[9] and had eight lobbyists active in three states in 2014.[10]
Earlier in this post, we visited her testimony for her client. Perhaps she can spell out how that testimony helped the area and small businesses. Or was she moonlighting?
Perhaps we should simply be grateful that she's not running in the seat Ryan Winkler vacated.
All snark aside, we think that the bid reflects the Minnesota Nice culture of insider politics. We're sure she's a nice person--multiple sources tell us she dated Mr. Nice Guy Kurt Daudt which must have been a nice time--but policy-making should be built more than just being one of the guys.*
*A generic, tradition non-gender specific Minnesota language term for "people." You guys know what we mean.
Photo: According to a GMA press release, Senator Terri Bonoff (right) wasn't expected to win, but lobbyist Kelsey Johnson (left) saved the day as her campaign manager. Other sources were not as certain of Bonoff's potential defeat. Photo via Minneapolis Junior League Facebook page.
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[Beth] Proctor, a Minnesota State University professor who in recent years has sought to strengthen regulations of a frac sand mining operation just noth of Mankato, asked about mining regulations. Bills under discussion at the Capitol would require legislative approval of water-protection standards. These standards have been controversial because they add to the cost of some Iron Range mining projects.
My research interests include evaluating nutrient flux in aquatic ecosystems and evaluating responses of biological indicators to environmental stressors, particularly responses of aquatic invertebrates to disturbances.
Considine sits on a mining and outdoor recreation committee and said the political reality there is that nine of its members are Republicans and four of its six Democrats are from the Iron Range.
"Quite frankly, there's a race to the microphone to tell mining companies how great they are when they're doing their pitches," he said. He acknowledged that Polymet, which is trying to build a large copper mine, is "trying to go in the right direction" regarding water quality.
But he was skeptical that a sulfide mining operation — where the ore is extracted from sulfide, which can create acid when exposed to air and water — can ever be environmentally safe.
That sort of statement might build resentment among his Range peers to the point that they might come down with chronic Range amnesia around the freshman DFLer. Let's hope they remember more than just their grudges.
Linehan reports:
Johnson said he opposes requiring legislative approval of water quality standards, which he called an attempt to "politicize water quality standards in the land of 10,000 lakes."
"Imagine the political pressures associated with (approving a water quality standard)," he said. "We’re in flush times now. It might be easier to do that now. We won’t always be in flush times."
There's that.
Photo: A blue-green algae bloom, via MPCA. The Star Tribune editorial notes:
Phosphorus is a pollutant that spurs algae growth and can turn sky-blue water into pea-soup green. Currently, the Minnesota Pollution Control Agency (MPCA) takes the lead in determining water-quality standards and issuing permits for wastewater plants. . . .
The controversial bills, written by the Coalition of Greater Minnesota Cities, would require legislative approval of water quality standards as well as an added layer of review.
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Written by Hibbing Democrat Carly Melin, the bill would prohibit applying a wild rice water quality standard until the commissioner of the Pollution Control Agency adopts rules to establish criteria for designating waters subject the standard.
A bill for an act relating to environment; prohibiting application of wild rice quality standards until certain conditions are met.
BE IT ENACTED BY THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE OF MINNESOTA:
Section 1. WILD RICE WATER QUALITY STANDARDS.
(a) Until the commissioner of the Pollution Control Agency adopts the rules to establish criteria for designating waters subject to a wild rice water quality standard as required under Laws 2011, First Special Session chapter 2, article 4, section 32, paragraph (b), and adopts the rule as required under Laws 2011, First Special Session chapter 2, article 4, section 32, paragraph (a), designating waters containing natural beds of wild rice that are subject to a wild rice water quality standard and designating the specific times of year during which the standard applies, the commissioner shall not:
(1) apply the wild rice water quality standard for sulfate in class 4A waters to any waters, including incorporating the standard or any requirements based on the standard within any permits, compliance schedules, orders, or other control documents; or
(2) list waters containing natural beds of wild rice as impaired for sulfate under section 303(d) of the federal Clean Water Act, United States Code, title 33, section 1313.
(b) For the purposes of this section, "waters containing natural beds of wild rice" has the meaning given in Laws 2011, First Special Session chapter 2, article 4, section 32, paragraph (b).
Here's the language of HF853 (Wild rice water quality standard application prohibited until conditions are met) which has been referred to the Mining and Outdoor Wrecks committee:
A bill for an act relating to environment; prohibiting application of wild rice water quality standards until certain conditions are met.
BE IT ENACTED BY THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE OF MINNESOTA:
Section 1. WILD RICE WATER QUALITY STANDARDS.
(a) Until the commissioner of the Pollution Control Agency adopts the rules required under Laws 2011, First Special Session chapter 2, article 4, section 32, designating waters containing natural beds of wild rice that are subject to wild rice water quality standards, the commissioner shall not:
(1) apply the wild rice water quality standard for sulfate in class 4A waters to any waters, including incorporating the standard or any requirements based on the standard within any permits, compliance schedules, orders, or other control documents; or
(2) list waters containing natural beds of wild rice as impaired for sulfate under section 303(d) of the federal Clean Water Act, United States Code, title 33, section 1313.
(b) For the purposes of this section, "waters containing natural beds of wild rice" has the meaning given in Laws 2011, First Special Session chapter 2, article 4, section 32, paragraph (b).
The bill would prohibit the Minnesota Pollution Control Agency from listing wild rice waters and applying the state's 40-year-old sulfate standard for wild rice until that standard is upheld by a current scientific review and re-adopted by the agency.
The bill specifically prevents the PCA from including the 10 parts-per-million sulfate standard to protect wild rice in any industrial permit issued until the ongoing sulfate study and reassessment is complete.
The PCA is nearing the end of a multiyear effort to determine whether the sulfate standard is needed to protect wild rice and, if so, what lakes and rivers the standard should apply to.
Northern Minnesota lawmakers have complained in recent weeks that the PCA has been including the sulfate standard in draft permits for mining companies even though the evaluation of the standard, ordered by lawmakers in 2011, is not yet complete.
Some mining industry leaders recently told Iron Range lawmakers that their ability to compete with a glut of cheap, foreign iron ore and finished steel could be compromised if Minnesota enforces the sulfate standard.
But Steve Morse, executive director of the Minnesota Environmental Partnership, said the bill is an end run around scientific review of wild rice protections. Similar legislation proposed in 2011 was panned by the federal Environmental Protection Agency as a legislative overreach and a likely violation of the federal Clean Water Act. Lawmakers can't simply undo water quality regulations already adopted under the act, it was noted.
"This legislation would roll back current water quality standards,'' Morse said in a statement. "We think our wild rice and our water deserve better — rules based on fact, not suspended through power politics. Our wild rice legacy depends on it." . . . .
Wild rice is not only delicious, but a significant part of Ojibwe culture.
Photo: A couple of canoes glide through beds of wild rice. Photo credit, University of Minnesota, National Center for Earth-Surface Dynamics.
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